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Abstract

In 1939–1989 it was common for an aspiring writer to make an entry into the literary scene through a literary magazine. This article revisits the problem by distinguishing two categories of literary magazines, those produced for the young from those by the young. The latter were launched through the initiative of young writers seeking a platform of their own, i.e. the impulse for the creation of such periodicals came from the literary community itself. The article also draws on Professor Kazimierz Wyka’s periodization of literature on the basis of a pair of criteria, the historical and the generational (literary groups and generations). They are an important analytical tool in the mapping of generational change in the literary history of Poland in 1945–1989.
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Abstract

Literary periodicals promoting young writers played a major role in the formation of a distinct generational consciousness during the occupation and in the post-war period. They included Sztuka i Naród [Art and the Nation] (1942–1944), Walka [Combat] and Inaczej [Contrarily] (1945), Pokolenie [ The Generation] (1946–1947), Nurt [The Current] (1947), Po prostu [ Plain and Simple] (1949–1955), Wyboje [ Bumps] (1956–1957), Zebra (1957–1958), Orientacja (1965–1971) and Nowy Wyraz [New Expression] (1972–1981). The young writers’ literary magazines were the product of the shifting political environment and generational change.
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Abstract

The main aim of the essay is to examine three philosophical narrations. One of them, Hegel’s master-slave dialectic, clearly inspired the other two, that is: Marx’s reflections in his Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844 and the interpretation of the Odyssey in Horkheimer and Adorno’s Dialectic of Enlightenment. Whereas Hegel’s dialectic opens a perspective of mutual recognition of individuals, permanently codified in their fundamental rights, the two remaining narrations lead to totally different conclusions. According to young Marx, the subjects not only do not recognize themselves mutually but even, under the influence of economic relationships, treat each other with disregard. Also in Adorno and Horkehimer’s view the labor processes, which according to Hegel led towards the freedom of individuals, distort interpersonal relations and strengthen the growing coercion. At the end, the proposal of Jürgen Habermas is taken into consideration. He argues that communication acts instead of labor processes are the real emancipating factor.
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Abstract

The author champions the belief that Karl Marx offered a theory of capitalism, and not a theory of socialism. This explains, she argues, why we cannot find a detailed and well-constructed conception of human society that will exist in the future. Marx continued, however, to draw prognostic conclusions from his diagnosis of the capitalist status quo, and his numerous manuscripts are replete with social predictions. They were different at different times, and as the capitalist system tended to change in his lifetime, so changed Marx’s expectations about the future course of events. One thing remained unchanged, however. He always proclaimed the coming of a classless community based on the principle that a free development of each is a necessary prerequisite of a free development of all.
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Abstract

Wprowadzenie wyjaśniające do tematu wojen i konfliktów zbrojnych jako czynników kształtujących ład międzynarodowy odnosi się do zasadniczej terminologii i problematyki, z uwzględnieniem ich przedmiotu, zakresu znaczeniowego i kontekstu narracyjnego. Dotyczy to takich zjawisk i faktów historycznych jak wojna, konflikt, sztuka wojenna, walka, pokój, ład międzynarodowy, przełomy i cykle hegemoniczno/ geopolityczne, które są najczęściej definiowane i przyjmowane przez pryzmat poszczególnych dyscyplin naukowych, m.in. historii, socjologii, prawa, politologii, stosunków międzynarodowych i wojskowości. Zatem nie stanowią domeny doświadczeń stricte militarnych. Odwieczna wykładnia określa bowiem wojnę jako narzędzie i środek do osiągnięcia politycznego celu jakim jest pożądany pokój. Konflikty międzynarodowe zaś występują tu głównie nie jako podrzędne wobec wojny starcia militarne, a jako kategorie niezgodności między stronami dążącymi do dominacji religijnej, etnicznej, gospodarczej, społecznej itp. Postrzeganie zjawiska pokoju zdeterminowane kantowskim „wiecznym pokojem” należałoby natomiast interpretować jako okresy geopolityczne/hegemoniczne, wyznaczane osiągnięciami militarnymi dla utrzymania lub zdobycia dominacji (władzy, panowania).
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